Edward O. Wilson – The Social Conquest of Earth

Wilson, Edward O. (2012). The Social Conquest of Earth. New York: W. W. Norton. 2012. ISBN 9780871404138. Pagine 330. 15,24 €

The Social Conquest of Earth

amazon.com

Edward O. Wilson è un vecchio signore del Sud (è nato a Birmingham in Alabama il 10 giugno 1929 – a proposito, auguri in ritardo!). Ne abbiamo parlato più volte su questo blog, da ultimo qui (mi pare), ma soprattutto recensendo il suo unico romanzo, Anthill. Purtroppo, ho letto gli altri suoi libri in epoca ante-blog e quindi non li ho recensiti qui (né da nessuna altra parte, perché non mi imponevo quella forma di disciplina che il blog ha portato con sé).

Ho però raccontato, nella recensione al romanzo, che questo vecchio signore del Sud dall’aria serena è stato al centro di furiose polemiche per il suo Sociobiology. The New Synthesis del 1975. Adesso è di nuovo al centro delle polemiche per questo libro che, nelle sue intenzioni, voleva essere una sintesi dei suoi studi sugli organismi eu-sociali – come li chiama lui stesso – cioè gli insetti sociali e gli umani.

Il problema è che per fare questo, Wilson ha bisogno di rigettare la teoria della kin selection originariamente formulata da Hamilton e cui Wilson stesso aveva aderito all’epoca di Sociobiology e aderire invece a quella della group selection, vivacemente e ferocemente avversata dai darwiniani puri e duri.

Sorgono spontanee 2 domande:

  1. chi ha ragione nella disputa, Wilson o i suoi oppositori? o meglio: è sostenibile una teoria della group selection? e quella della kin selection è davvero stata smentita?
  2. nell’ipotesi che il libro di Wilson sia affetto da errori teorici gravi, vale la pena egualmente di leggerlo?

* * *

Sulla prima questione, per affrontarla senza troppi tecnicismi, penso sia opportuno partire dal punto specifico del libro di Wilson in cui l’autore abbandona la prospettiva della kin selection:

For almost half a century, it has been popular among serious scientists seeking a naturalistic explanation for the origin of humanity, I among them, to invoke kin selection as a key dynamical force of human evolution. […]
Unfortunately for this perception, the foundations of the general theory of inclusive fitness based on the assumptions of kin selection have crumbled, while evidence for it has grown equivocal at best. The beautiful theory never worked well anyway, and now it has collapsed.
A new theory of eusocial evolution, drawn in part from my collaboration with the theoretical biologists Martin Nowak and Corina Tarnita, and in part from the work of other researchers, provides separate accounts for the origin of eusocial insects on the one hand and the origin of human societies on the other. [859-866. Il riferimento è come di consueto alle posizioni sul Kindle]

Naturalmente, abbandonare una posizione cui si era aderito in passato è perfettamente lecito: solo gli imbecilli, si dice, restano attaccati alle proprie idee contro ogni evidenza come patelle agli scogli. Quello che però Wilson non dice – e questo io lo trovo particolarmente grave in un libro rivolto al pubblico non specialistico – è che l’articolo di Nowak, Tarnita & Wilson “The evolution of eusociality“, pubblicato nel 2010 sul numero 466 di Nature, ha suscitato un vespaio di polemiche: sia perché l’articolo non sarebbe transitato attraverso il normale processo di peer review grazie all’autorevolezza di Wilson (succede anche a Nature, evidentemente), sia perché le conclusioni cui giunge sono state contestate da circa 150 scienziati in 5 risposte al paper di Nowak, Tarnita & Wilson. Quello che questi scienziati sostengono è che la teoria della kin selection e della inclusive fitness sono tutt’altro che crollate, come invece Wilson dà per assodato.

Questo spiega ampiamente perché The Social Conquest of Earth sia stato accolto con molte critiche e poco entusiasmo. Ne riassumo qualcuna di quelle con cui sono entrato in contatto.

Michael Gazzaniga sul Wall Street Journal del 6 aprile 2012 (Evolution Revolution) paragona la delusione provata leggendo quest’ultima prova di Wilson con quella che gli appassionati di jazz sono destinati a provare, prima o poi, per i loro beniamini:

At a certain point in their careers, great jazz musicians are almost bound to disappoint their fans. Think of John Coltrane venturing into free jazz in the late 1960s or Miles Davis going electric a few years later. The vision that made them great the first time pushes them into new territory, and the magnitude of their early accomplishments – and the number of admirers they have attracted – makes their public’s sense of betrayal all the more bitter. All they can do is keep playing, undaunted by the dissent.

La metafora jazzistica è anche funzionale a notare che (purtroppo) Wilson procede per improvvisazione, per grandi pennellate, nascondendoci il dettaglio del ragionamento che lo ha portato ad abbandonare il modello della inclusive fitness. ed evitando di rispondere alle critiche dei 150 scienziati che hanno contestato il suo modello su Nature.

Jazz artists improvise. Mr. Wilson does too as he goes through his argument in “The Social Conquest of Earth.” I say “improvise” because he chooses not to give the reader the complete story, properly annotated with references that would capture the huge controversies that accompany almost all the facts he reviews. […] While Mr. Wilson may have tired of all the rancor, it would have been intriguing to have his full account of how he arrived at his conclusions.

Jennifer Schuessler sul New York Times dell’8 aprile, più che una recensione, ci offre un ritratto di Edward O. Wilson (Lessons From Ants to Grasp Humanity) che non rifugge però dal riassumere i termini della controversia:

If no one is quite ready to dump a pitcher of water over Dr. Wilson’s head, many colleagues are mystified and dismayed by his late-life embrace of group selection – a highly controversial notion among biologists – and rejection of the kin-selection theory that he helped popularize in “Sociobiology.”
“ ‘Sociobiology’ is still a very great book, and now he’s trashing it all,” said Jerry Coyne, a professor of ecology and evolution at the University of Chicago. “It’s crazy.” Dr. Coyne was one of more than 150 scientists who signed four letters published last spring in the journal Nature criticizing a 2010 paper by Dr. Wilson, written with the mathematicians Martin A. Nowak and Corina E. Tarnita, outlining his group-selection arguments.
But Dr. Wilson, putting on a fleece vest under his professorial green tweed jacket in preparation for a rainy walk through Central Park, seemed unruffled by the fracas, which is only passingly acknowledged in the new book. “I don’t mind it,” he said of the criticism, adding that he had full confidence in his co-authors’ complex math. “I actually expect it for any important change. No pain, no gain.”

Un concetto simile era già stato espresso da Wilson in un articolo di Jonah Lehrer comparso sul numero del 5 marzo 2012 del New Yorker (Kin and Kind. A fight about the genetics of altruism):

“I’ve always been an ambitious synthesizer,” he told me. “But I’m now wise enough to know the limitations of that approach.” These days, he regards the books that made him famous – ”Sociobiology” and “On Human Nature” (1979) – as flawed accounts of evolution, marred by their uncritical embrace of inclusive fitness.

La recensione di Steven Mithen – appena pubblicata su The New York Review of Books, nel numero datato 21 giugno 2012 (How Fit Is E.O. Wilson’s Evolution?) – ha il pregio, secondo me, di mettere chiaramente in luce le responsabilità dello scienziato che scrive per il vasto pubblico e non per gli specialisti e i colleghi:

My greater concern is about the responsibility of the scientist writing for the general reader, especially a scientist of Wilson’s academic reputation. Such readers, the type targeted by Wilson and his publisher, may never have heard of Nature and would be unlikely to consult endnotes. Such readers, owing to his failure to acknowledge the extent of opposition to his views, would be entirely misled into thinking that Wilson had indeed “demonstrated that inclusive fitness theory, often called kin selection theory, is both mathematically and biologically incorrect.”
[…] I cannot avoid the impression that the manner in which Wilson presents his views verges toward polemic rather than providing a responsible work of popular science.

Ho lasciato di proposito per ultima la recensione più completa, e anche la più feroce: quella di Richard Dawkins pubblicata su Prospect del 24 maggio 2012 (The descent of Edward Wilson. A new book on evolution by a great biologist makes a slew of mistakes). Suggerirei, se il vostro inglese lo consente (ma se non lo consentisse probabilmente non leggereste questo blog), di leggere l’articolo di Dawkins nella sua interezza, per almeno 3 motivi:

  1. Dawkins scrive bene e in modo molto chiaro e articolato;
  2. Dawkins è un polemista pungente ed efficacissimo (a tratti uno prova anche un po’ pena per il malcapitato Wilson);
  3. La spiegazione di Dawkins dei motivi per cui ritiene corretta la teoria della kin selection ed erronea quella della group selection.

Per i più pigri (e per mio gusto) metterò qui i punti essenziali:

[I]it was a good idea to write a book comparing these two pinnacles of social evolution [social insects and humans], but unfortunately one is obliged to wade through many pages of erroneous and downright perverse misunderstandings of evolutionary theory. In particular, Wilson now rejects “kin selection” (I shall explain this below) and replaces it with a revival of “group selection” – the poorly defined and incoherent view that evolution is driven by the differential survival of whole groups of organisms.
[…]
Then there’s the patrician hauteur with which Wilson ignores the very serious drubbing his Nature paper received. He doesn’t even mention those many critics: not a single, solitary sentence. Does he think his authority justifies going over the heads of experts and appealing directly to a popular audience, as if the professional controversy didn’t exist – as if acceptance of his (tiny) minority view were a done deal? “The beautiful theory [kin selection, see below] never worked well anyway, and now it has collapsed.” Yes it did and does work, and no it hasn’t collapsed. For Wilson not to acknowledge that he speaks for himself against the great majority of his professional colleagues is – it pains me to say this of a lifelong hero – an act of wanton arrogance.
[…]
“Inclusive fitness” was coined as a mathematical device to allow us to keep treating the individual organism (“vehicle”) as the level of agency, when we could equivalently have switched to the gene (“replicator”). You can say that natural selection maximises individual inclusive fitness, or that it maximises gene survival. The two are equivalent, by definition. On the face of it, gene survival is simpler to deal with, so why bother with individual inclusive fitness? Because the organism has the appearance of a purpose-driven agent in a way that the gene does not. Genes lack legs to pursue goals, sense organs to perceive the world, hands to manipulate it. Gene survival is what ultimately counts in natural selection, and the world becomes full of genes that are good at surviving. But they do it vicariously, by embryologically programming “phenotypes”: programming the development of individual bodies, their brains, limbs and sense organs, in such a way as to maximise their own survival. Genes programme the embryonic development of their vehicles, then ride inside them to share their fate and, if successful, get passed on to future generations.
So, “replicators” and “vehicles” constitute two meanings of “unit of natural selection.” Replicators are the units that survive (or fail to survive) through the generations. Vehicles are the agents that replicators programme as devices to help them survive. Genes are the primary replicators, organisms the obvious vehicles. But what about groups? As with organisms, they are certainly not replicators, but are they vehicles? If so, might we make a plausible case for “group selection”?
It is important not to confuse this question – as Wilson regrettably does – with the question of whether individuals benefit from living in groups. Of course they do. Penguins huddle for warmth. That’s not group selection: every individual benefits. Lionesses hunting in groups catch more and larger prey than a lone hunter could: enough to make it worthwhile for everyone. Again, every individual benefits: group welfare is strictly incidental. Birds in flocks and fish in schools achieve safety in numbers, and may also conserve energy by riding each other’s slipstreams – the same effect as racing cyclists sometimes exploit.
Such individual advantages in group living are important but they have nothing to do with group selection. Group selection would imply that a group does something equivalent to surviving or dying, something equivalent to reproducing itself, and that it has something you could call a group phenotype, such that genes might influence its development, and hence their own survival.
[…]
Edward Wilson has made important discoveries of his own. His place in history is assured, and so is Hamilton’s. Please do read Wilson’s earlier books […]. As for the book under review, the theoretical errors I have explained are important, pervasive, and integral to its thesis in a way that renders it impossible to recommend. To borrow from Dorothy Parker, this is not a book to be tossed lightly aside. It should be thrown with great force. And sincere regret.

* * *

Ecco, Dawkins risponde negativamente alla mia seconda domanda (nell’ipotesi che il libro di Wilson sia affetto da errori teorici gravi, vale la pena egualmente di leggerlo?). Io sono però di diverso parere, e penso che invece possa essere letto fruttuosamente, anche se con qualche cautela.

Il breve capitolo 5, intitolato Threading the evolutionary maze, è un capolavoro di sintesi che riassume in 2 pagine l’origine dell’umanità da una prospettiva evoluzionistica.

E la metafora del labirinto evoluzionistico è un efficacissiomo esempio di intuition pump:

The possible evolution of a species can be visualized as a journey through a maze. As a major advance such as the origin of eusociality is approached, each genetic change, each turn in the maze either makes the attainment of that level less likely, or even impossible, or else keeps it open for access to the next turn. In the earliest steps that keep other options alive, there is still a long way to go, and the ultimate, far distant attainment is least probable. In the last few steps, there is only a short distance to go, and the attainment becomes more probable. The maze itself is subject to evolution along the way. Old corridors (ecological niches) may close, while new ones may open. The structure of the maze depends in part on who is traveling through it, including each of the species. [414]

Ma nel libro ci sono anche altri spunti profondi, che aprono vaste prospettive di riflessione. Ad esempio sulla divisione del lavoro, all’origine della crescita economica e del progresso:

Along with fireside campsites came division of labor. It was spring-loaded: an existing predisposition within groups to self-organize by dominance hierarchies already existed. There were in addition earlier differences between males and females and between young and old. Further, within each subgroup there existed variations in leadership ability, as well as in the proneness to remain at the campsite. The inevitable result emerging quickly out of all these preadaptations was a complex division of labor. [811]

O la riflessione che, l’acquisto di informazione ha un costo, la sua perdita è gratis:

For the neuroscientist, this explanation of an ethical decision by the would-be knifer has one very attractive feature: it involves only the loss of information, not its effortful acquisition or storage. The learning of complex information and its storage in memory are deliberate, painstaking processes, but the loss of information seems to take place with no trouble at all. Damping any one of the many mechanisms involved in memory can explain the blurring of identity required by this theory. [3981]

Ci sono poi le incursioni nei campi dell’economia …

Additional studies suggest (but have not yet conclusively proved) that leveling is beneficial even for the most advanced modern societies. Those that do best for their citizens in quality of life, from education and medical care to crime control and collective self-esteem, also have the lowest income differential between the wealthiest and poorest citizens. Among twenty-three of the world’s wealthiest countries and individual U.S. states, according to an analysis in 2009 by Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett, Japan, the Nordic countries, and the U.S. state of New Hampshire have both the narrowest wealth differential and the highest average quality of life. At the bottom are the United Kingdom, Portugal, and the remainder of the United States. [4037]

… della politica …

If personal benefit from group memberships rises high enough or, alternatively, if selfish leaders can bend the colony to serve their personal interests, the members will be prone to altruism and conformity. Because all normal members have at least the capacity to reproduce, there is an inherent and irremediable conflict in human societies between natural selection at the individual level and natural selection at the group level. [911]

… della religione …

The evidence that lies before us in great abundance points to organized religion as an expression of tribalism. Every religion teaches its adherents that they are a special fellowship and that their creation story, moral precepts, and privilege from divine power are superior to those claimed in other religions. […] The goal of religions is submission to the will and common good of the tribe. [4186-4192]

For outsiders openly to doubt such dogmas is regarded an invasion of privacy and a personal insult. For insiders to raise doubt is punishable heresy. [4197]

… della musica …

Patel has referred to music as a “transformative technology.” To the same degree as literacy and language itself, it has changed the way people see the world. Learning to play a musical instrument even alters the structure of the brain, from subcortical circuits that encode sound patterns to neural fibers that connect the two cerebral hemispheres and patterns of gray matter density in certain regions of the cerebral cortex. Music is powerful in its impact on human feeling and on the interpretation of events. It is extraordinarily complex in the neural circuits it employs, appearing to elicit emotion in at least six different brain mechanisms. [4583]

Ci sono poi alcune frasi fulminanti nella loro profondità:

[…] from diversity comes opportunity […] [480]

In a constantly changing world, we need the flexibility that only imperfection provides. [3887]

[…] prepared learning, the inborn propensity to learn something swiftly and decisively. [1009]

E infine, “semplici” esempi di divertito “bello scrivere”.

We have created a Star Wars civilization, with Stone Age emotions, medieval institutions, and godlike technology. [201]

Now, except for behaving like apes much of the time and suffering genetically limited life spans, we are godlike. [4639]

[…] the response of Samuel Foote to John Montagu, fourth Earl of Sandwich, when warned that he would die either by venereal disease or by the hangman’s noose. Foote responded, “My Lord, that will depend upon whether I embrace your lordship’s mistress or your lordship’s morals.” [4028]

* * *

PS: mentre mi accingevo a esporre questo post sulla bacheca è sceso in campo (contro le tesi di Wilson e a favore della teoria dell’inclusive fitness) un altro pezzo da novanta, Steven Pinker. L’articolo è molto lingo e anche in questo caso vi invito ad andarlo a leggere per intero, su Edge: è stato pubblicato il 18 giugno 2012 ed è intitolato “The False Allure of Group Selection“.

Aldersey-Williams e Briscoe – Panicology

Aldersey-Williams, Hugh e Simon Briscoe (2009). Panicology: Two Statisticians Explain What’s Worth Worrying About (and What’s Not) in the 21st Century. New York: Skyhorse. 2009. ISBN 9781602396449. Pagine 304. 10,30 $

Panicology

latimes.com

Quello di cui questo libro ha da dire è ben riassunto dal sottotitolo: liberamente traducibile in “Due statistici spiegano di che cosa preoccuparsi (e di che cosa invece no) nel XXI secolo.” Ancora di più ci aiuta la sinossi resa disponibile da Amazon:

What exactly are your chances of being struck by a meteorite?
Think you’re having less sex than the French?
How high will sea levels actually rise?
We live in an increasingly uncertain world. There’s so much to worry about it is often hard to know what to really panic about. But stay calm! For Panicology is the perfect answer to the conundrums and questions that bedevil modern life. Putting a lit match to the lies, headlines and statistical twaddle that seeks to frighten us, it explores 40 reasons for worry: from binge-drinking to Frankenstein foods, bird flu to alien abductions – and explores what, if any, effect they will have on your life.
Why worry in ignorance when you can be a happy, informed sceptic?

I due scrivono molto bene (sono inglesi, non americani, e questo aggiunge in humour senza togliere nulla alla chiarezza), ma il libro è a volte un po’ superficiale. Non mi piace per nulla (lo trovo troppo puerile) la piccola trovata di dare un punteggio da 1 a 5 ai diversi aspetti del panico (rappresentato da una gallina in fuga), del rischio (i dadi) e di quanto in nostro potere (un pugno chiuso).

Per me, anche per motivi professionali, la parte più interessante è l’Introduzione, dove gli autori spiegano chiaramente la loro filosofia e che cosa li ha spinti a scrivere il libro: il panico è una pulsione forte e irrazionale, che non soltanto ci fa stare male, ma è anche una pessimo consigliere nelle scelte da fare. Soltanto il senso critico e l’informazione quantitativa attendibile ci possono aiutare: in questo, i temi di Aldersley-Williams (l’autore di Periodic Tales, che sto leggendo) e Briscoe (ex Statistics Editor del Financial Times e attualmente vice-presidente di Timetric) sono affini a quelli trattati da Dan Gardner in Risk, che ho recensito di recente.

Il loro spirito è ben riassunto (sempre nell’Introduzione) da una citazione tratta da Memoirs of Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds di Charles Mackay Il libro è nel pubblico dominio e lo trovate qui):

Men, it has been well said, think in herds; it will be seen that they go mad in herds, while they only recover their senses slowly, and one by one.

***

Qualche citazione. Il riferimento è come di consueto alle posizioni sul Kindle:

Numbers are the “fact” generator in today’s society and the currency in any debate about risk. But they are not all of equal quality – some are manipulated by governments while others are produced by people with a vested interest. Often, proper figures don’t exist – they are opinion surveys or come from administrative systems that do not give us data on the definition we want, leading to poor policy and weaker assessment.Yet those who wish to make a point on television or in the newspapers do it using numbers. Sound-bite statistics, sometimes invented and often inaccurate, seize the imagination even if they crumble under close inspection. [106]

The only alternative is to retreat into anecdote and hopelessly selective assumptions. [115]

Temporary migration, based on a permit system, might be appealing to a skeptical public and might be acceptable for some categories of low-skilled workers, but such newcomers are likely to be less adaptable and integrate more slowly. Ongoing, regular labor needs are unlikely to be met most satisfactorily by recycling temporary workers. [1327]

It will then become clearer that globalization is about massive waves of income redistribution: from workers to consumers, as they can shop around ever more widely for cheaper goods;from expensive labor to cheap labor, as employment expands rapidly in developing countries; and from energy users toward energy producers, as the demand for energy soars in developing countries. [1522]

[…] the key labor market divide going forward will not be between high-skilled and low-skilled workers, but between services that can be delivered electronically from off-shore and those that cannot be. [1532]

“It is a profound privilege to die from stress-related diseases,” says a professor from Stanford University. The point he makes, of course, is that in developed countries we have never had it so good, and that worrying about stress is itself a sign of how charmed our lives are. As a society we have wealth, job choice, and travel opportunities unimaginable only a generation ago, and in our free time we can gamble, drink, surf the Internet, and watch television on super-sized plasma screens to our heart’s content. We have legal safeguards against many of society’s ills, and the hard toil and infectious diseases that filled the Victorian graveyards with youthful corpses have all but gone. And yet it seems we are as miserable as sin and bogged down with stress. [1596]

A study by Britain’s Health and Safety Executive, the government body responsible for health and safety regulation, suggested that about half a million workers suffered from work-related stress in the latest year, the largest category after backache. [1622]

Do we mean overwork, acute boredom, or something more medical, such as depression or anxiety? [1656: a proposito della troppo vaga definizione di stress]

The National Weather Service puts the average U.S. death toll due to lightning at seventy-three people a year; the global figure must be over a thousand. [1717]

Ideally, we should focus on conserving habitat – then the species that live there will be saved automatically. But being the sentimental souls we are, we prefer to cherish glamorous species of rare orchid or the iconic panda. Fortunately, this is almost as good. If the Chinese succeed in saving the panda – despite the country’s galloping industrialization, conservation efforts are doing well, and recent fieldwork has shown there are more pandas than were thought – it will be because they saved enough of its habitat, and with it hundreds of other species without really trying. [2415]

Arthur C. Clarke famously wrote that any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic. So why is the magic now black? [2557]

[…] agriculture always has a detrimental effect on the natural ecology-that, in a sense, is its purpose. [2602]

It is impossible to prove a negative, however, and so doubts persist […] [2765]

[…] official agencies are increasingly taking into account not only scientific evidence but also the vagaries of public opinion, evidence-based or not. [2769]

Simon Laham – The Joy of Sin

Laham, Simon (2012). The Joy of Sin: The Psychology of the Seven Deadly Sins. London: Constable & Robinson. 2012. ISBN 9781780331362. Pagine 256. 6,48 €

The Joy of Sin

amazon.com

Nei paesi di cultura anglosassone è diventato un genere letterario, all’interno del più ampio concetto di public understanding of science (ne abbiamo parlato qui): raccogliere, su un argomento, una rassegna di articoli apparsi su riviste scientifiche e costruirci sopra un “sunto” – per quanto possibile ben organizzato – che possa essere letto e compreso anche da un pubblico di media cultura ma non specialistico (direi, tipicamente, un lettore che abbia fatto l’università, ma non in quella materia).

Naturalmente, per scrivere un buon libro di questo tipo è necessario avere certe doti di scrittura, essere capaci di tenere vivo l’interesse del lettore. Il rischio, altrimenti, è che sia troppo manifesto che la rassegna è, appunto, una rassegna, e che quindi si perda per strada il lettore (a meno che il lettore sia io, che mi sono impegnato con il mio ipotetico pubblico di leggere tutto fino alla fine per poi fare le recensioni).

Avrete compreso, a questo punto, che questo libro non è esaltante. O, almeno, che a me non ha esaltato. Eppure l’ho comprato proprio per la curiosità che suscitano in me i 7 peccati capitali, di cui si è parlato in più di un post (qui, qui e qui).

In realtà, a parte alcune notizie storiche interessanti (ad esempio, che è stato papa Gregorio Magno a stilare la lista nel 590), per ciascuno dei “peccati” (che sono in realtà “tratti psicologici” che compongono una sorta di nebulosa intorno a ciascuno dei “vizi”) Laham dimostra (con una certa facilità) che sono tratti non deleteri, ma anzi potenzialmente utili, tant’è che sono stati “selezionati” dagli algoritmi dell’evoluzione, e presenta una serie di studi ed esperimenti che illustrano le caratteristiche “reali” di questi tratti.

Il tutto per 7 volte, naturalmente.

Ho trovato particolarmente interessante l’invidia (di cui in realtà mi sono già occupato tempo fa) e propone la stessa distinzione tra invidia e gelosia che avevo citato in quel post, pur senza esserne del tutto convinto. E soprattutto, mi ha consentito di (ri)scoprire la descrizione che ne fa Ovidio nelle Metamorfosi:

protinus Invidiae nigro squalentia tabo               760
tecta petit: domus est imis in vallibus huius
abdita, sole carens, non ulli pervia vento,
tristis et ignavi plenissima frigoris et quae
igne vacet semper, caligine semper abundet.
huc ubi pervenit belli metuenda virago,                765
constitit ante domum (neque enim succedere tectis
fas habet) et postes extrema cuspide pulsat.
concussae patuere fores. videt intus edentem
vipereas carnes, vitiorum alimenta suorum,
Invidiam visaque oculos avertit; at illa               770
surgit humo pigre semesarumque relinquit
corpora serpentum passuque incedit inerti.
utque deam vidit formaque armisque decoram,
ingemuit vultumque una ac suspiria duxit.
pallor in ore sedet, macies in corpore toto.               775
nusquam recta acies, livent robigine dentes,
pectora felle virent, lingua est suffusa veneno;
risus abest, nisi quem visi movere dolores;
nec fruitur somno, vigilantibus excita curis,
sed videt ingratos intabescitque videndo               780
successus hominum carpitque et carpitur una
suppliciumque suum est. quamvis tamen oderat illam,
talibus adfata est breviter Tritonia dictis:
‘infice tabe tua natarum Cecropis unam:
sic opus est. Aglauros ea est.’ haud plura locuta               785
fugit et inpressa tellurem reppulit hasta.
Illa deam obliquo fugientem lumine cernens
murmura parva dedit successurumque Minervae
indoluit baculumque capit, quod spinea totum
vincula cingebant, adopertaque nubibus atris,               790
quacumque ingreditur, florentia proterit arva
exuritque herbas et summa cacumina carpit
adflatuque suo populos urbesque domosque
polluit [Metamorfosi, libro secondo, 760-794]

Subito si reca alla dimora di Invidia, funerea di peste
e squallore. È una casa nascosta in fondo a una valle,
una casa priva di sole, senza un alito di vento,
tetra, tutta intorpidita dal gelo, dove sempre
manca il fuoco e sempre dilagano le nebbie.
Quando vi giunge, la temibile vergine della guerra
si ferma sulla soglia, non essendole permesso
di varcarla, e bussa alla porta con la punta della lancia.
Ai colpi si spalancano i battenti: all’interno intravede Invidia,
che mangia carne di vipera per alimentare
i suoi vizi, e a quella vista distoglie gli occhi. L’altra invece
si alza pigramente da terra, lasciandosi alle spalle brandelli
di serpenti mezzo rosicchiati, e avanza con passo incerto:
quando scorge la dea lucente d’armi in tutto il suo fulgore,
manda un gemito, contraendo il volto nel conato dei sospiri.
Il pallore le segna il viso, la magrezza tutto il corpo;
mai dritto lo sguardo, ha denti lividi e guasti,
il cuore verde di bile, la lingua tinta di veleno.
Senza un’ombra di sorriso, se non mosso dalla sventura altrui,
non gode del sonno, agitata com’è dall’assillo dei suoi crucci;
con astio apprende i successi degli uomini e quando li apprende
si strugge; strazia ed è straziata al tempo stesso:
questo il suo tormento. Pur detestandola, Minerva,
la dea di Tritone, si rivolge a lei con queste brevi parole:
«Infetta col tuo veleno una figlia di Cècrope, quella.
È scritto. Aglàuro è il suo nome». E senza una parola di più,
facendo leva con la lancia, si stacca da terra e vola via.
Mentre con occhio bieco guarda Minerva che fugge, Invidia,
amareggiata di doverla accontentare, brontola
un attimo fra sé, poi prende il suo bastone, tutto avvolto
da una fascia di spine. Nascosta da una nuvola nera,
ovunque passa, calpesta i fiori dei campi,
brucia l’erba, strappa la cima delle piante,
e col suo fiato appesta popoli, case e città. [Progetto Ovidio]

Il mio latino non sarà più un granché, Ma qui Ovidio sta giocando con effetti truculenti tutti interni a una descrizione dell’aspetto fisico di Invidia e non, se non attraverso questo, alle sue “qualità” morali. Parla del viso pallido, del corpo scheletrico, dello sguardo strabico, dei denti lividi e guasti, della lingua tinta di veleno. Quindi tradurrei il suo pectora felle virent (verso 777) con il petto secerne fiele (dalle mammelle, anche se capisco che la cosa venga taciuta ai liceali) piuttosto che con il cuore verde di bile.

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Qualche citazione. Il riferimento è come di consueto alle posizioni sul Kindle:

Income is positively related to wanting to have more days like yesterday, with feeling well rested, with feeling treated with respect, with being able to choose how to spend one’s time, with smiling or laughing, with feeling proud, with having done something interesting, and with eating good-tasting food. [925. Non particolarmente sorprendente, nonostante la moda del “benessere non solo economico”]

We are bombarded with so much detailed, often redundant information during the course of our lives that we seldom need to remember all the ins and outs. Extracting the summary meaning or gist from a set of stimuli is often much more efficient than laboriously retaining and processing all the details. [1339. Stiamo parlando dei benefici dell’accidia]

Anger is both a gauge of our progress towards a goal and a force that makes us persist in the face of obstacles. [1730]

[…] WEIRD society (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich and Democratic) […] [1875. L’acronimo si deve al seminale articolo Henrich, J., Heine, S. J., & Norenzayan, A. (2010).  “The weirdest people in the world. How representative are experimental findings from American university students? What do we really know about human psychology? (Target Article, Commentaries, and Response)”. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 33, 61-83, 111-135?”, che ha avuto anche l’onore di una citazione si Improbable research – quelli dei premi Ig-Nobel]

When Hsee and colleagues examined predicted happiness ratings, they found that only relative diamond size mattered. Within each group, the person with the larger diamond was happier. Participants within groups could compare their diamonds with each other and as a result based their happiness on their relative standing within groups. However, there was no average difference in happiness between the poor and rich groups. Even though those in the rich group had larger diamonds, they were no happier than those in the poor group. So for diamonds, it appears happiness depends on comparison, not on absolute size. [2279]

The first kind of pride, marked by worthy achievement and success, Tracy and Robins called authentic pride. The second, with all its conceitedness and arrogance, they called hubristic pride. [2365. Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2007). “The psychological structure of pride: A tale of two facets.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 92(3), 506-525]

[…] BIRGing: basking in reflected glory. [2541. Acronimo dovuto a: Cialdini, Robert B., Richard J. Borden, Avril Thorne, Marcus Randall Walker, Stephen Freeman, and Lloyd Reynolds Sloan (1976). “Basking in reflected glory: Three (football) field studies.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 34 (1976), 366-75]