Obituary: Christopher Hitchens 2

Molti suoi amici hanno scritto necrologi di Hitchens e penso che valga la pena di segnalarveli.

Intanto, il New Statesman ha pubblicato una seconda anticipazione della lunga intervista di Richard Dawkins.

Hitchens on his legacy

RD I’ve been reading some of your recent collections of essays – I’m astounded by your sheer erudition. You seem to have read absolutely everything. I can’t think of anybody since Aldous Huxley who’s so well read.
CH It may strike some people as being broad but it’s possibly at the cost of being a bit shallow. I became a journalist because one didn’t have to specialise. I remember once going to an evening with Umberto Eco talking to Susan Sontag and the definition of the word “polymath” came up. Eco said it was his ambition to be a polymath; Sontag challenged him and said the definition of a polymath is someone who’s interested in everything and nothing else. I was encouraged in my training to read widely – to flit and sip, as Bertie [Wooster] puts it – and I think I’ve got good memory retention. I retain what’s interesting to me, but I don’t have a lot of strategic depth.
A lot of reviewers have said, to the point of embarrassing me, that I’m in the class of Edmund Wilson or even George Orwell. It really does remind me that I’m not. But it’s something to at least have had the comparison made – it’s better than I expected when I started.

Hitchens on Tony Blair

RD You debated with Tony Blair. I’m not sure I watched that. I love listening to you [but] I can’t bear listening to . . . Well, I mustn’t say that. I think he did come over as rather nice on that evening.
CH He was charming, that evening. And during the day, as well.
RD What was your impression of him?
CH You can only have one aim per debate. I had two in debating with Tony Blair. The first one was to get him to admit that it was not done – the stuff we complain of – in only the name of religion. That’s a cop-out. The authority is in the text. Second, I wanted to get him to admit, if possible, that giving money to a charity or organising a charity does not vindicate a cause.
I got him to the first one and I admired his honesty. He was asked by the interlocutor at about half-time: “Which of Christopher’s points strikes you as the best?” He said: “I have to admit, he’s made his case, he’s right. This stuff, there is authority for it in the canonical texts, in Islam, Judaism.”
At that point, I’m ready to fold – I’ve done what I want for the evening.
We did debate whether Catholic charities and so on were a good thing and I said: “They are but they don’t prove any point and some of them are only making up for damage done.” For example, the Church had better spend a lot of money doing repair work on its Aids policy in Africa, [to make up for preaching] that condoms don’t prevent disease or, in some cases, that they spread it. It is iniquitous. It has led to a lot of people dying, horribly. Also, I’ve never looked at some of the ground operations of these charities – apart from Mother Teresa – but they do involve a lot of proselytising, a lot of propaganda. They’re not just giving out free stuff. They’re doing work to recruit.

Christopher Hitchens at home in Washington D.C. on April 26, 2007

Mark Mahaney for The New York Times - nytimes.com

Passerei poi al ricordo di Ian McEwan sul New York Times:

Christopher Hitchens, Consummate Writer, Brilliant Friend

THE place where Christopher Hitchens spent his last few weeks was hardly bookish, but he made it his own. Close to downtown Houston is the Medical Center, a cluster of high-rises like La Défense of Paris, or London’s City, a financial district of a sort, where the common currency is illness.

This complex is one of the world’s great concentrations of medical expertise and technology. Its highest building denies the possibility of a benevolent god — a neon sign proclaims from its roof a cancer hospital for children. This “clean-sliced cliff,” as Larkin puts it in his poem about a tower-block hospital, was right across the way from Christopher’s place — which was not quite as high, and adults only.

No man was ever as easy to visit in the hospital. He didn’t want flowers and grapes, he wanted conversation, and presence. All silences were useful. He liked to find you still there when he woke from his frequent morphine-induced dozes. He wasn’t interested in being ill. He didn’t want to talk about it.

When I arrived from the airport on my last visit, he saw sticking out of my luggage a small book. He held out his hand for it — Peter Ackroyd’s “London Under,” a subterranean history of the city. Then we began a 10-minute celebration of its author. We had never spoken of him before, and Christopher seemed to have read everything. Only then did we say hello. He wanted the Ackroyd, he said, because it was small and didn’t hurt his wrist to hold. But soon he was making penciled notes in its margins. By that evening he’d finished it. He could have written a review, but he was to turn in a long piece on Chesterton.

And so this was how it would go: talk about books and politics, then he dozed while I read or wrote, then more talk, then we both read. The intensive care unit room was crammed with flickering machines and sustaining tubes, but they seemed almost decorative. Books, journalism, the ideas behind both, conquered the sterile space, or warmed it, they raised it to the condition of a good university library. And they protected us from the bleak high-rise view through the plate glass windows, of that world, in Larkin’s lines, whose loves and chances “are beyond the stretch/Of any hand from here!”

In the afternoon I was helping him out of bed, the idea being that he was to take a shuffle round the nurses’ station to exercise his legs. As he leaned his trembling, diminished weight on me, I said, only because I knew he was thinking it, “Take my arm, old toad…” He gave me that shifty sideways grin I remembered so well from his healthy days. It was the smile of recognition, or one that anticipates in late afternoon an “evening of shame:” — that is to say, pleasure, or, one of his favorite terms, “sodality.”

That must be how I came to be reading Larkin’s “Whitsun Weddings” aloud to him two hours later. Christopher asked me to set the poem in context for his son, Alexander — a lovely presence in that room for weeks on end — and for his wife, Carol Blue — a tigress for his medical cause. She had tangled so ferociously with some slow element of the hospital’s bureaucracy that security guards had been called to throw her out of the building. Fortunately, she charmed and disarmed them.

I set the poem up and read it, and when I reached that celebrated end, “A sense of falling, like an arrow-shower/Sent out of sight, somewhere becoming rain,” Christopher murmured from his bed, “That’s so dark, so horribly dark.” I disagreed, and not out of any wish to lighten his mood. Surely, the train journey comes to an end, the recently married couples are dispatched toward their separate fates. He wouldn’t have it, and a week later, when I was back in London, we were still exchanging e-mails on the subject. One of his began, “Dearest Ian, Well, indeed — no rain, no gain — but it still depends on how much anthropomorphising Larkin is doing with his unconscious… I’d provisionally surmise that ‘somewhere becoming rain’ is unpromising.”

And this was a man in constant pain. Denied drinking or eating, he sucked on tiny ice chips. Where others might have beguiled themselves with thoughts of divine purpose (why me?) and dreams of an afterlife, Christopher had all of literature.

Over the three days of my final visit I took note of his subjects. Not long after he stole my Ackroyd, he was talking to me of a Slovakian novelist; whether Dreiser in his novels about finance was a guide to the current crisis; Chesterton’s Catholicism; Browning’s “Sonnets from the Portuguese,” which I had brought for him on a previous visit; Mann’s “Magic Mountain” — he’d reread it for reflections on German imperial ambitions toward Turkey; and because we had started to talk about old times in Manhattan, he wanted to quote and celebrate James Fenton’s “German Requiem”: “How comforting it is, once or twice a year,/To get together and forget the old times.”

While I was with him another celebration took place in far away London, with Stephen Fry as host in the Festival Hall to reflect on the life and times of Christopher Hitchens. We helped him out of bed and into a chair and set my laptop in front of him. Alexander delved into the Internet with special passwords to get us linked to the event. He also plugged in his own portable stereo speakers. We had the sound connection well before the vision and what we heard was astounding, and for Christopher, uplifting. It was the noise of 2,000 voices small-talking before the event. Then we had a view from the stage of the audience, packed into their rows.

They all looked so young. I would have guessed that nearly all of them would have opposed Christopher strongly over Iraq. But here they were, and in cinemas all over the country, turning out for him. Christopher grinned and raised a thin arm in salute. Close family and friends may be in the room with you, but dying is lonely, the confinement is total. He could see for himself that the life outside this small room had not forgotten him. For a moment, pace Larkin, it was by way of the Internet that the world stretched a hand toward him.

The next morning, at Christopher’s request, Alexander and I set up a desk for him under a window. We helped him and his pole with its feed-lines across the room, arranged pillows on his chair, adjusted the height of his laptop. Talking and dozing were all very well, but Christopher had only a few days to produce 3,000 words on Ian Ker’s biography of Chesterton.

Whenever people talk of Christopher’s journalism, I will always think of this moment.

Consider the mix. Constant pain, weak as a kitten, morphine dragging him down, then the tangle of Reformation theology and politics, Chesterton’s romantic, imagined England suffused with the kind of Catholicism that mediated his brush with fascism and his taste for paradox, which Christopher wanted to debunk. At intervals, Christopher’s head would droop, his eyes close, then with superhuman effort he would drag himself awake to type another line. His long memory served him well, for he didn’t have the usual books on hand for this kind of thing. When it’s available, read the review. His unworldly fluency never deserted him, his commitment was passionate, and he never deserted his trade. He was the consummate writer, the brilliant friend. In Walter Pater’s famous phrase, he burned “with this hard gem-like flame.” Right to the end.

Passerei al commosso ricordo di Richard Dawkins,sul sito della sua fondazione.

Farewell, great voice. Great voice of reason, of humanity, of humour. Great voice against cant, against hypocrisy, against obscurantism and pretension, against all tyrants including God. Farewell, great warrior. You were in a foxhole, Hitch, and you did not flinch. Farewell, great example to us all.
Richard

Hitchens e Dawkins

richarddawkins.net

Finirei con George Easton sul New Statesman:

“I have decided to take whatever my disease can throw at me,” wrote Christoper Hitchens in his most recent essay. But today, after 18 months, his duel with cancer ended. He was 62 years old. The world has lost one of its most outstanding and prolific journalists and a wonderful polemicist, orator and bon vivant. Hitchens could write brilliantly about an extraordinarily wide range of subjects and people: the death penalty, religion, Leon Trotsky, Evelyn Waugh, the British monarchy, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, George Orwell, Saul Bellow, the Elgin Marbles, North Korea, the Balkans, Henry Kissinger, Thomas Paine and Philip Larkin.

In recent months, we had sad cause to add cancer to that list. The series of essays Hitchens wrote for Vanity Fair about his illness stands as the finest writing on the subject since John Diamond’s C: Because Cowards Get Cancer Too. Without a hint of self-pity or sentimentality, Hitchens confronted his fate with pure reason and logic. “To the dumb question, ‘Why me?’ ” he wrote, “the cosmos barely bothers to return the reply: ‘Why not?’ ” Nor did his humour desert him. To a Christian who insisted that God had given him “throat” cancer in order to punish the “one part of his body he used for blasphemy”, he replied: “My so-far uncancerous throat . . . is not at all the only organ with which I have blasphemed.” And to those who insultingly suggested that he should embrace religion, Hitchens’s flawless riposte: “Suppose there were groups of secularists at hospitals who went round the terminally ill and urged them to adopt atheism: ‘Don’t be a mug all your life. Make your last days the best ones.’ People might suppose this was in poor taste.”

I interviewed Hitchens for the New Statesman in May 2010 during the UK leg of his Hitch-22 tour. Over several glasses of Pinot Noir and Johnnie Walker Black Label, we discussed, among other things, religion, neoconservatism (“I’m not a conservative of any kind”), his time at the NS, Zimbabwe (his biggest regret was that he hadn’t been tougher on Mugabe in the 1980s) and the euro. Hitch was on form that day, calmly eviscerating the likes of David Cameron (“He seems content-free to me. Never had a job, except in PR, and it shows. People ask, ‘What do you think of him?’ and my answer is: ‘He doesn’t make me think’ “) and Sarah Palin (“I think she’s a completely straightforward cynic and opportunist and I think she’s cashing out . . . She’s made a fortune and she’ll make another. But she’s not actually going to do the hard work of trying to lead or build a movement”). Two days later he returned to the US. A month later he was diagnosed with cancer. He never returned to the country of his birth.

It was the United States, where Hitchens lived for more than 30 years, that he came to call home. By the end of the 1970s, he had tired of Britain (“Weimar without the sex”, was his verdict on the Callaghan era) and longed for the bigger stage of America, moving first to New York and later to Washington, DC. He struggled at first, eking out a living writing a biweekly column for the Nation magazine and relying on the kindness of friends such as the radical journalist Andrew Cockburn. But the move paid off when he landed a column for Vanity Fair in 1992, greatly increasing his income and his readership. It was also there that he met his adoring second wife, Carol Blue, who once remarked of him: “I was just glad such a person existed in the world.” He is survived by Blue, their daughter, Antonia, and two children from his previous marriage to Eleni Meleagrou, Alexander and Sophia.

“I believe in America. America has made my fortune,” declares Bonasera in the opening line of The Godfather. Hitchens’s allegiance to the US (he became a citizen in 2007) had more to do with its secular constitution and its commitment to free expression but America did make his fortune. By the end of his life, with regular slots in Vanity Fair, the Atlantic and Slate, several bestselling books and a lucrative place on the lecture circuit, Hitchens was earning nearly $1m a year.

His extraordinary output – 12 books, five collections of essays – was suggestive of a solitary, bookish man, rather than a compulsively social hedonist. In resolving this apparent paradox, Hitchens was aided by two attributes in particular: his prodigious memory (as Ian McEwan once remarked: “It all seems instantly, neurologically available: everything he’s ever read, everyone he’s ever met, every story he’s ever heard”) and his ability to write at a speed that most people talk. The late, great Anthony Howard, who as New Statesman editor hired Hitchens in 1973, told me last year: “He was a very quick writer . . . Hitch could produce a front-page leader, which would take me a couple of hours, in half an hour.”

In his final interview, with Richard Dawkins (published in the current issue of the NS), Hitchens reflected, with touching modesty, on his status as an essayist. After Dawkins told him that he could think of no one since Aldous Huxley who was so well read, he replied:

It may strike some people as being broad but it’s possibly at the cost of being a bit shallow. I became a journalist because one didn’t have to specialise. I remember once going to an evening with Umberto Eco talking to Susan Sontag and the definition of the word “polymath” came up. Eco said it was his ambition to be a polymath; Sontag challenged him and said the definition of a polymath is someone who’s interested in everything and nothing else. I was encouraged in my training to read widely – to flit and sip, as Bertie [Wooster] puts it – and I think I’ve got good memory retention. I retain what’s interesting to me, but I don’t have a lot of strategic depth.

A lot of reviewers have said, to the point of embarrassing me, that I’m in the class of Edmund Wilson or even George Orwell. It really does remind me that I’m not. But it’s something to at least have had the comparison made – it’s better than I expected when I started.

Hitchens’s modesty was unwarranted. In this age of high specialisation, we will not see his like again.

It was God Is Not Great, his anti-theist polemic, that sent him supernova. While Dawkins’s atheism is rooted in science, Hitchens’s was rooted in morality. He was repelled by the notion that people do good only because they fear punishment and hope for reward. The question he often posed about believers was: “Why do they wish this was true?” Heaven, for Hitchens, was a place of “endless praise and adoration, limitless abnegation and abjection of self; a celestial North Korea”.

It is Hitch the controversialist that many will remember. The man who said of Jerry Falwell, “If you gave Falwell an enema he could be buried in a matchbox,” and of Ronald Reagan: “Reagan is doing to the country what he can no longer do to his wife.” But as John Gray wrote in his NS review of Hitchens’s fifth and final collection of essays, Arguably, he was no mere provocateur or contrarian. Throughout his career, Hitchens retained a commitment to the Enlightenment values of reason, secularism and pluralism. His targets – Mother Teresa, Bill Clinton, Henry Kissinger, God – were chosen not at random, but rather because they had offended one or more of these principles.

Over the past decade, many on the left came to regard Hitchens not as a friend but as an enemy. Tariq Ali, a fellow soixante-huitard, wrote: “On 11 September 2001, a small group of terrorists crashed the planes they had hijacked into the Twin Towers of New York. Among the casualties, although unreported that week, was a middle-aged Nation columnist called Christopher Hitchens. He was never seen again . . . The vile replica currently on offer is a double.” And yet, contrary to reports, Hitchens did not perform a crude midlife swerve from left to right (also known as doing a “Paul Johnson”). Unlike Johnson, a former New Statesman editor who became a reactionary conservative (“Pinochet remains a hero to me,” he wrote in 2007), Hitchens did not give up everything he believed in. He maintained, for instance, that the US invasion of Vietnam was a war crime, that Kissinger belonged behind bars (see his 2001 book The Trial of Henry Kissinger for a full account of the former US secretary of state’s “one-man rolling crime wave”) and that the Israeli occupation of Palestine was a moral and political scandal.

His support for the “war on terror” was premised not on conservative notions but on liberal principles. As he wrote in a column for the Nation published on 20 September 2001, “What they [the 9/11 attackers] abominate about ‘the west’, to put it in a phrase, is not what western liberals don’t like and can’t defend about their own system, but what they do like about it and must defend: its emancipated women, its scientific inquiry, its separation of religion from the state.”

He was wrong, badly wrong about Iraq, but for the best of reasons. His support for the invasion arose out of a long-standing solidarity with the country’s Kurds (see his long, 1992 piece for National Geographic, “The Struggle of the Kurds”, collected in Love, Poverty and War) and his belief that even war was preferable to the survival of Saddam Hussein’s totalitarian regime (“a concentration camp above ground and a mass grave beneath it”). It was not an attempt to ingratiate himself with the neoconservatives, whom Hitchens had fought and continued to fight with on issues from gay rights to the death penalty to Israel. But he was too casual in dismissing the civilian casualties (estimated at anything between 100,000 and a million) that resulted directly or indirectly from the invasion of the Iraq and, as he later conceded, too optimistic about the Bush administration’s ability to stabilise the country. In his boisterous advocacy of the war there was more than a hint of the Marxist belief in the necessity of violence in order for history to progress. As Stalin once grimly phrased it, “You can’t make an omelette without breaking eggs.”

Yet those who stopped reading Hitchens after 11 September 2001 are all the poorer for it. They have not read his haunting account of napalm’s deadly legacy in Vietnam: “Some of the victims of Agent Orange haven’t even been born yet, and if that reflection doesn’t shake you, then my words have been feeble and not even the photographs will do.” Or his unrivalled indictment of capital punishment: “Once you institute the penalty, the bureaucratic machinery of death develops its own logic, and the system can be relied on to spare the beast-man, say, on a technicality of insanity, while executing the hapless Texan indigent who wasn’t able to find a conscientious attorney.” Or his unique denunciation of waterboarding: “I apply the Abraham Lincoln test for moral casuistry: ‘If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong.’ Well, then, if waterboarding does not constitute torture, then there is no such thing as torture.”

The tragedy of Hitchens’s illness was that it came at a time when he was enjoying a larger audience than ever. Of his tight circle of friends – Martin Amis, James Fenton, Ian McEwan, Salman Rushdie – he was the last to gain international renown, yet he is now read more widely than any of them.

In his later years, Hitchens was fond of quoting his late mother’s assertion that “the one unforgivable sin is to be boring”. Today, as I realise I will never hear that resonant baritone again, that Hitchens’s mighty pen is still, I feel certain in saying that the world has become a more boring place.

Obituary: Cesária Évora 27.8.1941-17.12.2011

Giorni pesanti. Non conoscevo di persona (come si dice) nessuna di queste persone. Eppure le sentivo tutte vicine: per avere comprato qualche libro con il timbretto Shakespeare and Co. la prima volta che sono stato a Parigi nel 1974 e per essere poi tornato molte volte sui miei passi nelle visite successive; per avere incontrato con vero piacere l’intelligenza caustica e “senza filtro” di Hitchens nei suoi libri e nei suoi articoli; per essermi incantato con la musica di Cesária Évora, che ho anche sentito dal vivo qualche anno fa all’Auditorium di Renzo Piano a Roma (il 12 luglio 2006, se il web non mente…).

La ricordiamo, naturalmente, con una morna, Mar Azul:

E una colandera, Sangue de Beirona:

Cesária Évora aveva anche inciso una canzone di Goran Bregovic, Ausência, che compare nella colonna sonora di Underground di Emir Kusturica. Chissà perché, in questo video di YouTube, le immagini sono quelle di Fahrenheit 451 di Truffaut.

Obituary: Christopher Hitchens 13.4.1949-15.12.2011

Di Hitchens abbiamo parlato più volte in questo blog, recensendo il suo god is not Great: how religion poisons everything e presentando una sua lunga conversazione con Daniel Dennett, Richard Dawkins e Sam Harris.

Hitchens ha affrontato il suo cancro con grande dignità (e, ovviamente, senza retrocedere di un passo rispetto al suo ateismo). Il numero natalizio del New Statesman, il settimanale dove aveva iniziato la sua carriera nel 1973, pubblica una lunga intervista di Richard Dawkins. Qui sotto qualche anticipazione.

Dawkins e Hitchens

newstatesman.com

“Never be afraid of stridency”

Richard Dawkins: One of my main beefs with religion is the way they label children as a “Catholic child” or a “Muslim child”. I’ve become a bit of a bore about it.

Christopher Hitchens: You must never be afraid of that charge, any more than stridency.

RD: I will remember that.

CH: If I was strident, it doesn’t matter – I was a jobbing hack, I bang my drum. You have a discipline in which you are very distinguished. You’ve educated a lot of people; nobody denies that, not even your worst enemies. You see your discipline being attacked and defamed and attempts made to drive it out.
Stridency is the least you should muster . . . It’s the shame of your colleagues that they don’t form ranks and say, “Listen, we’re going to defend our colleagues from these appalling and obfuscating elements.”

Fascism and the Catholic Church

RD: The people who did Hitler’s dirty work were almost all religious.

CH: I’m afraid the SS’s relationship with the Catholic Church is something the Church still has to deal with and does not deny.

RD: Can you talk a bit about that – the relationship of Nazism with the Catholic Church?

CH: The way I put it is this: if you’re writing about the history of the 1930s and the rise of totalitarianism, you can take out the word “fascist”, if you want, for Italy, Portugal, Spain, Czechoslovakia and Austria and replace it with “extreme-right Catholic party”.
Almost all of those regimes were in place with the help of the Vatican and with understandings from the Holy See. It’s not denied. These understandings quite often persisted after the Second World War was over and extended to comparable regimes in Argentina and elsewhere.

Hitchens on the left-right spectrum

RD: I’ve always been very suspicious of the left-right dimension in politics.

CH: Yes; it’s broken down with me.

RD: It’s astonishing how much traction the left-right continuum [has] . . . If you know what someone thinks about the death penalty or abortion, then you generally know what they think about everything else. But you clearly break that rule.

CH: I have one consistency, which is [being] against the totalitarian – on the left and on the right. The totalitarian, to me, is the enemy – the one that’s absolute, the one that wants control over the inside of your head, not just your actions and your taxes. And the origins of that are theocratic, obviously. The beginning of that is the idea that there is a supreme leader, or infallible pope, or a chief rabbi, or whatever, who can ventriloquise the divine and tell us what to do.

Grecia e Italia, ricche e corrotte

L’Economist ha pubblicato i più recenti dati annuali del Corruption Perceptions Index e li ha rappresentati in un grafico insieme all’Indice di sviluppo umano dell’ONU, che tiene conto simultaneamente del PIL pro capite, delle condizioni di salute e dei livelli d’istruzione. La correlazione tra bassi livelli di corruzione percepita e valori elevati dell’Indice di sviluppo umano è evidente, ma viene meno per valori elevati (compresi tra 2 e 4) della corruzione percepita. Fanno eccezione, in positivo, alcuni paesi poveri ma ben amministrati, come il Bhutan e le Isole del Capo Verde; in negativo, alcuni paesi ricchi ma corrotti, tra cui spiccano la Grecia e l’Italia.

Corruption and development: Corrosive corruption | The Economist

THE use of public office for private gain benefits a powerful few while imposing costs on large swathes of society. Transparency International’s annual Corruption Perceptions Index, published on December 1st, measures the perceived levels of public-sector graft by aggregating independent surveys from across the globe. Just five non-OECD countries make the top 25: Singapore, Hong Kong, Barbados, Bahamas and Qatar. The bottom is formed mainly of failed states, poor African countries and nations that either were once communist (Turkmenistan) or are still run along similar lines (Venezuela, Cuba). Comparing the corruption index with the UN’s Human Development Index (a measure combining health, wealth and education), demonstrates an interesting connection. When the corruption index is between approximately 2.0 and 4.0 there appears to be little relationship with the human development index, but as it rises beyond 4.0 a stronger connection can be seen. Outliers include small but well-run poorer countries such as Bhutan and Cape Verde, while Greece and Italy stand out among the richer countries.

The Evolved Self-management System | Nicholas Humphrey su Edge

Abbiamo parlato di Nicholas Humphrey su questo blog qualche tempo fa, recensendo il suo Seeing Red, che avevo trovato molto interessante.

Nicholas Humphrey

edge.org

Ora Humphrey sviluppa su Edge una riflessione molto stimolante, secondo me: che l’effetto placebo “funziona” perché rimuove un “divieto” e “consente” una sorta di auto-cura, rassicurandoci che i suoi benefici eccedono i costi e che ci possiamo fidare del guaritore. Allo stesso modo, argomenta Humphrey, solo di recente l’ambiente culturale ha consentito alle personalità di uscire dai loro gusci e di sfuggire al conformismo, liberando enormi risorse di creatività.

Andate avanti da soli, cliccando sul link qui sotto. Ma poi tornate qui, perché ho un’altra cosa da mostrarvi.

The Evolved Self-management System | Conversation | Edge

Now, when people are cured by placebo medicine, they are in reality curing themselves. But why should this have become an available option late in human evolution, when it wasn’t in the past.

I realized it must be the result of a trick that has been played by human culture. The trick isto persuade sick people that they have a “license” to get better, because they’rein the hands of supposed specialists who know what’s best for them and can offer practical help and reinforcements. And the reason this works is that it reassures people—subconsciously —that the costs of self-cure will be affordable and that it’s safe to let down their guard. So health has improved because of a cultural subterfuge. It’s been a pretty remarkable development.

I’m now thinking about a larger issue still. If placebo medicine can induce people to release hidden healing resources, are there other ways in which the cultural environment can “give permission” to people to come out of their shells and to do things they wouldn’t have done in the past? Can cultural signals encourage people to reveal sides of their personality or faculties that they wouldn’t have dared to reveal in the past? Or for that matter can culture block them? There’s good reason to think this is in fact our history.

Go back 10 or 20,000 years ago. Eccentricity would not have been tolerated. Unusual intelligence would not have been tolerated. Even behaving “out of character” would not have been tolerated. People were expected to conform, and they did conform, because they picked up the cues from their environment about the right and proper—the adaptive—way to behave. In response to cultural signals people were in effect policing their own personality.

Alla fine del suo intervento su Edge, Humphrey cita un dibattito con Richard Dawkins in cui aveva difeso l’efficacia dell’effetto placebo a fronte dello scetticismo del suo interlocutore. Il video è un po’ lunare, ma interessantissimo. Il brain-storming di due grandi pensatori non convenzionali, pronti ad ascoltarsi e a cambiare idea.

Questa crisi è una crisi di bilancia dei pagamenti – FT.com

In un articolo – fondamentale, secondo me, per capire quello che sta succedendo – Martin Wolf del Financial Times argomenta che la crisi dell’eurozona è una crisi di bilancia dei pagamenti.

Questa tesi era già stata sostenuta – anche se all’epoca era passata pressoché inosservata – dal Rapporto annuale presentato dall’Istat il 26 maggio 2010:

Un terzo elemento, che contribuisce a spiegare la diffusione globale dell’impatto sull’economia reale e la caduta eccezionalmente veloce nelle esportazioni mondiali, risiede nell’entità senza precedenti raggiunta dagli scambi internazionali e dai contestuali squilibri nel conto corrente di bilancia dei pagamenti su scala mondiale (Figura 1.7). Negli anni precedenti la crisi si era determinata una crescita degli squilibri nel conto corrente di bilancia dei pagamenti, associata alla crescita del ruolo degli scambi internazionali (Figura 1.7). Gli avanzi di Cina, Giappone ed esportatori di petrolio, dall’inizio del decennio al 2008, sono passati approssimativamente dallo 0,5 al 2,0 per cento del Pil mondiale, mentre la gran parte dei disavanzi corrispondenti hanno riguardato le economie avanzate e, in particolare, gli Stati Uniti. Anche all’interno dell’area dell’euro (Uem) si è prodotta una polarizzazione crescente, ai cui estremi troviamo la Germania, che nel 2008 ha raggiunto un avanzo di quasi 170 miliardi di euro (circa 250 miliardi di dollari), e all’altro Spagna, Francia, Italia, Portogallo e Grecia, che insieme hanno totalizzato un disavanzo di oltre 255 miliardi di euro (circa 380 miliardi di dollari). [p. 7; il corsivo è mio]

Merkozy failed to save the eurozone – FT.com

The German faith is that fiscal malfeasance is the origin of the crisis. It has good reason to believe this. If it accepted the truth, it would have to admit that it played a large part in the unhappy outcome.

Take a look at the average fiscal deficits of 12 significant (or at least revealing) eurozone members from 1999 to 2007, inclusive. Every country, except Greece, fell below the famous 3 per cent of gross domestic product limit. Focusing on this criterion would have missed all today’s crisis-hit members, except Greece. Moreover, the four worst exemplars, after Greece, were Italy and then France, Germany and Austria. Meanwhile, Ireland, Estonia, Spain and Belgium had good performances over these years. After the crisis, the picture changed, with huge (and unexpected) deteriorations in the fiscal positions of Ireland, Portugal and Spain (though not Italy). In all, however, fiscal deficits were useless as indicators of looming crises (see charts).

Now consider public debt. Relying on that criterion would have picked up Greece, Italy, Belgium and Portugal. But Estonia, Ireland and Spain had vastly better public debt positions than Germany. Indeed, on the basis of its deficit and debt performance, pre-crisis Germany even looked vulnerable. Again, after the crisis, the picture transformed swiftly. Ireland’s story is amazing: in just five years it will suffer a 93 percentage point jump in the ratio of its net public debt to GDP.

Now consider average current account deficits over 1999-2007. On this measure, the most vulnerable countries were Estonia, Portugal, Greece, Spain, Ireland and Italy. So we have a useful indicator, at last. This, then, is a balance of payments crisis. In 2008, private financing of external imbalances suffered “sudden stops”: private credit was cut off. Ever since, official sources have been engaged as financiers. The European System of Central Banks has played a huge role as lender of last resort to the banks, as Hans-Werner Sinn of Munich’s Ifo Institute argues.

If the most powerful country in the eurozone refuses to recognise the nature of the crisis, the eurozone has no chance of either remedying it or preventing a recurrence. Yes, the ECB might paper over the cracks. In the short run, such intervention is even indispensable, since time is needed for external adjustments. Ultimately, however, external adjustment is crucial. That is far more important than fiscal austerity.

In the absence of external adjustment, the fiscal cuts imposed on fragile members will just cause prolonged and deep recessions. Once the role of external adjustment is recognised, the core issue becomes not fiscal austerity but needed shifts in competitiveness. If one rules out exits, this requires a buoyant eurozone economy, higher inflation and vigorous credit expansion in surplus countries. All of this now seems inconceivable. That is why markets are right to be so cautious.

The failure to recognise that a currency union is vulnerable to balance of payments crises, in the absence of fiscal and financial integration, makes a recurrence almost certain. Worse, focusing on fiscal austerity guarantees that the response to crises will be fiercely pro-cyclical, as we see so clearly.

Ancora Steve Jobs sulla vita l’universo e tutto il resto

Adesso che l’acqua è meno torbida e la polvere si è posata nuovamente sulle dune di Zabriskie Point, possiamo parlare di nuovo di Steve Jobs?

Abbiamo parlato a suo tempo delle radici di Jobs nella controcultura degli anni Sessanta. Nella controcultura americana circolavano anche piccoli (molto piccoli, rispetto al Sessantotto francese e soprattutto italiano) richiami agli insegnamenti di Marx. Ne è una piccola testimionianza, dato che poco fa citavamo Zabriskie Point di Antonioni, la sequenza in cui Mark Frechette viene fermato dopo i disordini all’università:

Poliziotto: Nome e cognome, prego
Mark: Carlo Marx
Poliziotto: Che?… Come si scrive, dimmelo lettera per lettera
Mark: c-a-r-l-o-m-a-r-x
Poliziotto: con una x?
Mark: Sì con una x
Poliziotto: ma che cavolo di nome!!

Mi viene in mente Marx, perché per me liceale, è stata la lettura di Marx (direttamente, non nei bignamini che circolavano all’epoca) a trasmettermi lo stesso messaggio che dà in questo clip del 1995 Steve Jobs: che il mondo e la vita e i modi di produzione non sono dati una volta per tutte, ma sono il risultato dell’opera, inconsapevole e consapevole, degli uomini. E che dunque, per riprendere lo slogan di una decina di anni fa, “un altro mondo è possibile” e, per di più, nelle nostre mani.

When you grow up you tend to get told the world is the way it is and you’re life is just to live your life inside the world. Try not to bash into the walls too much. Try to have a nice family, have fun, save a little money.

That’s a very limited life. Life can be much broader once you discover one simple fact: Everything around you that you call life was made up by people that were no smarter than you and you can change it, you can influence it, you can build your own things that other people can use.

[…]

Once you learn that, you’ll never be the same again.

Originariamente il video e la trascrizione del testo li ho trovati qui:

Steve Jobs Says This Will Be Your Greatest Life Revelation

Tim Harford — Anche i dipendenti pubblici creano ricchezza

Brunetta dopo Brunetta, manovretta dopo manovretta, è passato il luogo comune che i dipendenti pubblici sono parassiti per definizione, e che soltanto nel comparto privato dell’economia si produce ricchezza.

Naturalmente è una boiata, ma se lo dico io non basta.

Allora facciamolo dire a Tim Hartford sul suo blog, pubblicato anche sul Financial Times.

Tim Harford — Article — You’re wrong – we are all wealth creators

Chi è corretto arriva ultimo?

Il nome di questo blog, Sbagliando s’impera, è legato a uno dei miei proverbi pessimisti, e l’ho raccontato agli albori di questo blog, nel lontano marzo del 2007.

Quello che non avevo raccontato all’epoca è che l’idea di questo proverbio mi era venuta molti anni prima, alla fine degli anni Novanta, riflettendo sulla carriera di un mio ambizioso collega dell’epoca che, nonostante i molti errori commessi e il mancato raggiungimento di alcuni importanti obiettivi annunciati in pompa magna, appariva lanciato su una traiettoria di irresistibile ascesa. Sono passati molti anni, le nostre strade si sono a lungo allontanate e soltanto di recente si sono riavvicinate. Se così si può dire, perché nel frattempo la sua carriera è così progredita, mentre la mia ristagnava, che ormai ne intravvedo a stento le luci di posizione …

Ecco, all’origine del proverbio pessimista e del relativo gioco di parole c’era l’idea – come scrivevo nel 2007 – “che si assurge a posizioni di comando raramente per merito, e spesso per demerito.” E che comunque sono utili buone dosi di cinismo e di faccia tosta, e qualche compromesso etico e deontologico.

La storia mi è tornata alla mente leggendo un articolo su Wired. Pare che un famoso allenatore di baseball, Leo Durocher, abbia affermato nel 1948 (per smentire la frase attribuitagli qualche anno dopo) che “nice guys finish last”, cioè che (nello sport e, si suppone, nella vita) le persone che giocano correttamente, seguendo le regole, arrivano per ultime.

Ora uno studio in corso di pubblicazione sul Journal of Personality and Social Psychology da Beth A. Livingston, Timothy A. Judge e Charlice Hurst rivela che la “gradevolezza” è inversamente correlata con i livelli di reddito. La “gradevolezza” (agreeableness in inglese) è riferita a 6 dimensioni: fiducia, rettitudine, obbedienza alle norme, altruismo, modestia e buon carattere (trust, straightforwardness, compliance, altruism, modesty and tender-mindedness). Tutte caratteristiche apparentemente desiderabili sul luogo di lavoro. Chi non le possiede però non è immediatamente definibile come uno psicopatico (o più semplicemente uno stronzo), ma – secondo l’autore dell’articolo – possiede un tratto specifico:

They are willing to “aggressively advocate for their position during conflicts.” While more agreeable people are quick to compromise for the good of the group — conflict is never fun — their disagreeable colleagues insist on holding firm. They don’t mind fighting for what they want.

Do Nice Guys Finish Last? | Wired Science | Wired.com

When it comes to success, we assume that making it to the top requires ethical compromises. Perhaps we need to shout and scream like Steve Jobs, or cut legal corners like Gordon Gekko: the point is that those who win the game of life don’t obey the same rules as everyone else. And maybe that’s why they’re winning.

Well, it turns out Durocher and all those pessimists were right: nice guys really do finish last, or at least make significantly less money. According to a new study in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology by Beth A. Livingston of Cornell, Timothy A. Judge of Notre Dame, and Charlice Hurst of the University of Western Ontario, levels of “agreeableness” are negatively correlated with the earnings of men.

Mazzetta

wired.com

Mio fratello è figlio unico [2]

Il 18 novembre l’Istat ha pubblicato una interessante nota sulla vita familiare dei bambini e dei ragazzi nel 2011, che aggiorna le corrispondenti rilevazioni statistiche del 1998, 2005 e 2008.

Una lettura certamente istruttiva.

Istat.it – Infanzia e vita quotidiana

Peccato che l’Istat reiteri, imperturbabile, una sciocchezza che avevo già segnalato in occasione della precedente uscita (Mio fratello è figlio unico, mercoledì 31 dicembre 2008)

“Il gioco con fratelli/sorelle è elevato sia nei giorni feriali sia in quelli festivi: circa il 62% dei bambini di 3-10 anni gioca con fratelli/sorelle fuori dall’orario scolastico (se poi si prendono in considerazione i soli bambini che hanno fratelli/sorelle, tale percentuale sale addirittura all’81%).” [Istat, La vita quotidiana di bambini e ragazzi. Anno 2008]

“Il gioco con fratelli/sorelle è elevato sia nei giorni feriali sia in quelli festivi: il 66,7% dei bambini di 3-10 anni gioca con fratelli/sorelle: se poi si prendono in considerazione i soli bambini che hanno fratelli/sorelle, tale percentuale sale addirittura all’86,7%.” [Istat, Infanzia e vita quotidiana. Anno 2011]

Proviamo a spiegarlo nuovamente: un bambino su 4 è figlio unico. Quindi non può giocare con un fratello/sorella, perché non ce l’ha (in statistichese, il 100% dei figli unici non gioca con fratelli/sorelle). Quindi il termine addirittura è ridicolo, oltre che fuori luogo. La prima quota che l’Istat pubblica (66,7%) dà un’informazione irrilevante e fuorviante. Soltanto la seconda è informativa e, tradotta dallo statistichese in italiano, ci dice che praticamente tutti i bambini che hanno un fratello o una sorella ci giocano insieme.